Perspectives October 12, 2023
A Surge of Military Coups in Africa Threatens Human Rights and the Rule of Law
As human rights conditions and insecurity worsen, regional and international efforts should focus on addressing the root causes of instability.
A surge of military coups is sweeping across Africa. On August 30, the central African nation of Gabon became the latest country to experience a military coup in the past three years, following Niger in July 2023; Burkina Faso in 2022; Chad, Guinea, and Sudan in 2021; and Mali in 2020.
While military takeovers in Africa are nothing new, the coups of the past three years have taken on a new dynamic. Most of them have received the backing of many citizens. While each coup is unique, their causes can broadly be linked to democratic deficits and the inability of elected governments to deliver freedom, security, and development. Unmet demands for social, economic, and political change brought about by flawed elections, changes to term limits, and the inability of civilian governments to effectively address security challenges have led to widespread disaffection amongst citizens. Most of these coups have taken place in the context of failed military strategies to address insurgencies and anti-French sentiments in former French colonies like Mali, Burkina Faso, Niger, and Gabon—the result of decades of unpopular French foreign policies including support for dictatorships and economic interventions perceived as protecting French interests at the expense of local populations. More recently, backlash has stemmed from France’s failed military interventions in the Sahel.
The juntas in Mali, Burkina Faso, and Chad—ranked among the countries most affected by terrorism in the Institute for Economics & Peace’s Global Terrorism Index—claim that restoring security or maintaining stability is the main motivation behind their takeovers. They argue that the deterioration of security in all three countries warrants exceptional measures, many of which conflict with their human rights obligations. In Burkina Faso, the junta issued a decree on April 13, 2023, that provided it with the right to curtail selected civil liberties. The perpetrators of Sudan’s coup claimed that infighting among the civilians in the transitional government imperiled the stability of the country. In Gabon, where former president Ali Bongo won a third seven-year term in disputed elections, military leaders cited a lack of credibility in the recent elections as the reason for the coup. In Niger, coup plotters blamed rising insecurity and a stagnant economy. Nonetheless, in spite of their popularity and stated justifications, the coups have failed to bring about stability and have exacerbated human rights and economic conditions.
Arbitrary arrests and detentions
In Mali, Burkina Faso, Guinea, Niger, and Gabon, top civilian officials have been placed under house arrest or detained for indeterminate periods—in many cases indefinitely and without being charged. Burkina Faso’s former president Roch Kaboré was released from detention on April 6, 2022, after being under house arrest for more than two months. Niger’s deposed president was placed under house arrest on July 26, and former members of his cabinet were also arrested. International legal standards call for detentions to comply with legal procedures that are overseen by a judge to ensure fairness, appropriateness, and predictability. International standards also urge that those detained should have access to counsel and family members, and that they should be brought before a judge as soon as possible.
Excessive use of force and restrictions on peaceful demonstrations
With the exception of pro-junta rallies in Bamako, Niamey, and Ouagadougou, coup leaders have banned demonstrations by civil society organizations and opposition political parties and violently dispersed peaceful protesters, violating the rights of citizens to peacefully assemble. In Sudan, on several occasions in 2022 and 2023, the military violently dispersed and used excessive force on demonstrators, leading to dozens of deaths. In Guinea, security forces have prevented demonstrations and attacked people protesting the coup on several occasions. Under regional and international law, limitations on the right to freedom of assembly are only allowed if there is a genuine threat that is clearly explained by authorities.
Attacks on press freedom
There are growing concerns over military harassment, intimidation, and attacks directed at journalists perceived to be critical of junta leaders. On multiple occasions, international and local media outlets have been suspended. On August 3, Nigerien coup leaders suspended the operations of France 24 and Radio France Internationale (RFI) in the country. In Burkina Faso, two French reporters were expelled soon after the country’s coup. In neighboring Mali, since the 2021 coup, authorities have accused human rights actors of instrumentalization and politicization following repeated reports that attributed the killing of civilians to Malian armed forces. Reporters Without Borders has called on Malian and Burkinabe authorities to stop attacks on press and media freedom.
Impunity and rising human rights violations
Coup leaders have also failed to address allegations of serious human rights violations. In Chad, following the crackdown on protests on October 20, 2022, authorities did not conduct credible investigations of reports of killings, deaths in detention, and torture. In Mali, armed forces and the Russian Wagner Group have been accused of killing civilians in Moura. Despite the deteriorating security situation motivating the coups, allegations of civilian casualties during counterterrorism operations have been mounting in Burkina Faso. In Sudan, the coup leaders have made every effort to protect themselves and avoid accountability for killings, arbitrary arrests, and detentions of civilians during peaceful protests.
Growing insecurity
All-out military strategies have failed to curb insurgencies and end insecurity. According to United Nations experts, in less than a year Islamic State–affiliated groups doubled the territory they control in Mali. In early September 2023, suspected jihadists killed scores of people in the country. In Sudan, violence involving security forces, other armed groups, and rival ethnic communities persisted in many parts of the country throughout 2022. This violence culminated in a widespread conflict between two of the forces behind the coup, the Sudan Armed Forces and the Rapid Support Forces, in April 2023. The conflict has led to thousands of civilian deaths, the displacement of millions, and a humanitarian crisis. Despite a robust military air campaign and mass recruitment for the civilian defense forces, dozens of soldiers and civilians have been killed by suspected rebels in Burkina Faso, which also faces the worst humanitarian crisis in its history.
Lack of return to civilian rule
Despite pledges to hold elections, coup leaders have prevented transitions to civilian rule. In Mali, coup leaders recently postponed presidential elections that were scheduled for February 2024. In Burkina Faso, leaders appear to be reneging on a commitment to hold elections in July 2024, citing security concerns. In 2022, coup leaders in Chad extended the country’s political transition period, while Gabon’s military has yet to set a date for elections.
Moving beyond coups
Coups can never solve Africa’s many challenges. However, ending them will require a concerted international effort that goes beyond condemnation and the expansion of military support for countries fighting insurgents. The root causes of instability and disaffection must be addressed. These include misgovernance and corruption, as well as the broader failure of elected governments to deliver the dividends of democracy. The African Union and regional blocs should end their silence over flawed elections, extensions of term limits, and changes to constitutions that further entrench leaders in power and disenchant the population. International partners like the United States and the European Union should go beyond security in their counterterrorism efforts and focus on more enduring human rights strategies. In the absence of such efforts, coups will remain a viable and popular alternative for citizens, to their detriment.